Первая официальная реакция Кишинева по атаке дрона в Приднестровье.
Бюро политик по реинтеграции правительства Молдовы заявило, что "поддерживает контакт с другими органами государственной власти Республики Молдова, и после изучения видеозаписей и обмена информацией мы сообщаем, что данный инцидент является попыткой вызвать страх и панику в регионе. Военная техника, представленная на кадрах, не работает уже несколько лет. Власти Кишинева, находящиеся в контакте с украинской стороной, не подтверждают факт нападения на Приднестровский регион".
Цитата:
Кишинев провел переговоры с Киевом и опровергает факт удара по вертолету Ми-8МТ в Приднестровье со стороны Украины.
Скромная подборка наиболее комплиментарных мнений журналистов СМИ разных стран о выборах в России.
Общий тезис – «выборы без выбора».
Наше мнение, наш выбор им не интересен, им интересен выбор свой.
Исключительно колониальный подход. Если россияне голосуют за:
• тех, кого им выбрали «либералы» – выборы состоялись (профессионализм);
• тех, кого «патриотично» выбрали себе сами, – это не выборы, это профанация (любительство).
Так думают не правительства - так думают народы.
Это коллективный солидарный подход.
Там почти нет тех, кто считает, что свою судьбу россияне должны выбирать самостоятельно.
В лучшем случае, им на нас наплевать.
Так было всегда.
Москва не придает значения мнению Вашингтона об итогах нынешних президентских выборов в России. Об этом заявил ТАСС посол РФ в США Анатолий Антонов.
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"Наплевать на вас сто раз"
, — сказал по этому поводу Антонов.
«Это нескончаемая людская колонна, обвивающая несколько кварталов» Избиратели за границей проводят в километровых очередях дольше нескольких часов.
Одна из избирательниц из Израиля рассказала Би-би-си, что за полтора часа до закрытия избирательного участка в Тель-Авиве перед ним по-прежнему огромная очередь. Сама она прождала в ней шесть часов, чтобы проголосовать.
Очереди сегодня стояли к российским посольствам и консульствам во многих странах. Многие пришли к ним в 12:00 по местному времени, чтобы поучаствовать в акции «Полдень против Путина», которую поддержал Алексей Навальный незадолго до смерти в российской колонии.
Избирательница, которая стоит в очереди у посольства России в Лондоне, рассказала Би-би-си, что ждет уже 4,5 часа и оценивает, что стоять ей придется еще не меньше часа.
Проект «Ковчег» опубликовал видео очереди в сербском Белграде, снятое с дрона — на кадрах видно, что очередь занимает не меньше километра.
Политолог Екатерина Шульман (признана в России «иноагентом») опубликовала в своем телеграм-канале скриншот Google Maps, которые отражает длину очереди по протяженности улиц, на которой ожидают люди. Судя по карте, длина очереди занимает 1,2 км, пройти ее полностью займет 16 минут.
«На самом деле никакая это не очередь, не бывает таких очередей, — написала Шульман в 16.25 по берлинскому времени. — Это нескончаемая людская колонна, обвивающая несколько кварталов. Мы пришли к 12, как порядочные граждане, в наивной надежде управиться к 14. Ага-ага. Пока не проголосовали, до посольства еще далеко».
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С удовлетворением и понятными пожеланиями, Dimitriy.
‘Sneaky’ social media ads are luring young into gambling, say campaigners
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Tougher rules are required to crack down on betting firms’ use of “sneaky” social media postings and campaigns that may lure young people into gambling, warns a new report.
Researchers at Bristol University have reported a rise in gambling promotions that typically blur the line between advertising for a betting company and popular cultural references, from ET to Gladiator.
The research has found many children do not even recognise these promotions, known as content marketing, as advertising. It warns that this may lead to children following betting companies on social media, making it more likely that they sign up with them when they turn 18 and can legally gamble. Dr Raffaello Rossi, lecturer in marketing at Bristol University, one of the report’s authors, said content marketing was particularly popular with young people.
“All ages were quite bad at recognising it as advertising, but children and young people were much less able to distinguish it,” said Rossi. “It’s a sneaky way to get people engaged and create a positive perception towards gambling.”
Rossi said advertising rules stipulate that marketing communications “must be obviously identifiable as such”. He considered the social media postings were in breach of this rule.
The report recommends that the Committee of Advertising Practice (CAP) consider a ban on gambling content marketing. An alternative would be that brands are mandated to include a prominent “this is gambling advertising” on promotional social media postings.
A previous report found five of the largest betting operators in the UK put up 19,100 posts on X, previously Twitter, in just eight months, or nearly 80 a day.
“Age-gating” measures to prevent children seeing ads and promotional social media posts are easily evaded, with research commissioned by the regulator Ofcom revealing in 2022 that a third of children aged between eight and 17 in the UK with a social media profile have an adult user age.
The research investigated whether content marketing was recognisable as advertising by more than 650 participants, aged from 11 to 78. It found young people were only able to correctly classify 43% of content marketing as advertising, compared with 65% of adults. Participants were told in advance that advertising is “the activity of making products or services known about and persuading people to buy them”.
Sir Iain Duncan Smith, vice-chair of the all party parliamentary group for gambling-related harm, said: “The growth of so-called content marketing is deeply concerning as gambling companies seem to be circumnavigating advertising codes of practice.
“If voluntary codes are clearly not working, steps must be taken to ban content marketing in its entirety to ensure children, who spend significant amounts of time online, are being protected.”
A spokesperson for the Betting and Gaming Council (BGC) said: “Advertising must comply with strict guidelines and safer gambling messaging. The government has previously stated research did not establish a causal link between exposure to advertising and the development of problem gambling.
“Our members have also introduced new age-gating rules for advertising on social media platforms. BGC members take a zero-tolerance approach to betting by children. The most popular forms of betting by children are arcade games and fruit machines – not with BGC members.”
A spokesperson for CAP said: “We have an overriding commitment to ensure gambling advertising is responsible, and our rules place a particular emphasis on protecting young and vulnerable audiences from potential harm. We won’t hesitate to ban ads that break those rules, particularly when it comes to issues around targeting under-18s.”
Цитата:
Four in five billboard ads in England and Wales in poorer areas
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More than four in five outdoor billboard advertisements are in the poorest half of England and Wales, leading experts to warn that the discrepancy risks deepening health inequalities.
While billboards may be seen by many simply as eyesores, campaigners argue they negatively affect people’s lives in intersecting ways, by pushing unhealthy products such as fast food and alcohol, encouraging environmentally harmful consumption and lowering mental wellbeing.
Adfree Cities, a group that campaigns against the expansion of advertising, has for the first time analysed the relationship between advertising and income and deprivation in England and Wales.
Its research shows areas with the lowest levels of disposable income were home to 62,953 outdoor ads (82%), compared with just 13,384 in the more affluent half.
While it did not measure whether more unhealthy products are advertised in more deprived areas nationally, industry data lists three fast-food chains among the top five spenders on UK outdoor advertising in 2023.
Prof Emma Boyland, the chair of food marketing and child health at the University of Liverpool, said advertising risked worsening health disparities including obesity, with children appearing particularly vulnerable to marketing.
“It affects our choices,” she said. “We know in deprived areas, there are a clustering of reasons why it may be more challenging to maintain body weight, including a lack of facilities, lack of time, stress, density of fast-food outlets.”
Boyland, who wrote the report’s preface, said existing studies suggested poorer neighbourhoods were home to not just more outdoor advertising but also more ads for unhealthier products. “There is evidence that ads for unhealthy food are more clustered in areas that are more deprived,” she said, pointing to a recent study in Liverpool.
Studies show that among young people, the likelihood of being obese is more than twice as high in those who report seeing junk food advertising daily, and Boyland said type 2 diabetes and obesity were rising among children, with those in deprived areas most affected.
Boyland called for concerted policy change to mitigate these health risks. “We need to think about how to reduce inequality. The research shows the clustering effect, where it’s not just one single factor – people are being hit by all angles. They say it’s damaging to the economy to regulate advertising but the costs we’re spending to deal with obesity are massive.”
The report focuses on Sheffield and Leeds and found ad density was higher in the parts of the cities with the least disposable income.
In Sheffield, 60% of ads were in the city’s poorest three deciles, and just 2% were in its most affluent third. The picture in Leeds was less stark, with 37% of ads in its lowest-income third and 20% in its most affluent three deciles.
Peter Brooks, a researcher, said poorer areas may have more advertising due to lower land value and being closer to main roads. Another reason may be related to planning permission, with ads in wealthier areas potentially more likely to be opposed.
Some residents are joining local efforts to push back against a rise in advertising in their city. Rajan Naidu lives near Birmingham Ladywood, the constituency with the second highest number of outdoor ads and one of England’s most deprived.
“It gives you a sense of helplessness, same as when we see an area covered in litter,” Naidu said. “If someone asked ‘would you like an ad hoarding outside your house?’ most people would say ‘no way’. But there’s a sense of powerlessness [when] they do this to our environment.”
While residents are given the chance to oppose a planning application, Naidu said local authorities needed to design their systems to accommodate people more widely. “We are technically consulted but no real efforts are made to seek us out … Not everyone reads a letter and will respond.”
In more affluent areas, Naidu believes it is more likely “there will be someone in the local community who knows the official pathways to do something about it”. He said: “Once these installations are in our streets, there’s very little we can do about it.”
Tim Lumb, the director of the out of home advertising trade body Outsmart, said the industry provided an important revenue stream for local authorities. “With one in five councils at risk of bankruptcy, urban deprivation is a serious issue. Out of home advertising is an important revenue stream for cash-strapped councils, funding public infrastructure like bus shelters, telephony, defibrillators, as well as helping the public purse through rents, revenue-share agreements, and business rates.”
He said a PwC report found that £411m of outdoor advertising revenue “made its way back into the economy in 2021, with £1.1bn invested into designing, installing and maintaining public infrastructure over the last 14 years”.
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С сожалением и понятными пожеланиями, Dimitriy.
Песков: говорить о "нелегитимности" выборов в РФ - значит называть "нелегитимными" свыше 87% голосов россиян, это абсурд.
Цитата:
На фоне поздравлений Владимира Путина главами стран мирового большинства агрессивные натовцы похожи на заметавшихся тараканов, застигнутых врасплох включенным светом: выборы несправедливые, но к сведению принимаем, не признавая, к общению готовы…
Цитата:
Ватикан заявил, что папа Римский не поздравлял Путина с переизбранием. В службе печати Святого престола РИА Новости сообщили, что информация о поздравлениях не соответствует действительности.
Цитата:
Германия не признает законными результаты выборов в РФ, заявили в правительстве ФРГ. "Мы не считаем эти так называемые выборы в России ни свободными, ни честными. Исход был однозначно известен заранее. Россия сегодня, как уже заявил канцлер, - это диктатура, авторитарно управляемая Владимиром Путиным", - подытожили в Берлине. Шольц не будет поздравлять Путина с победой.
На правительственной пресс-конференции также спросили, будут ли в правительстве Германии к Путину обращаться "президент" или как-то иначе. "В данный момент мы не находимся в диалоге c Владимиром Путиным, поэтому такой вопрос не стоит", - ответила зам официального представителя правительства ФРГ Кристиане Хоффман. А так ответил пресс-секретарь МИД ФРГ.
Россия/Украина: Заявление Верховного Представителя ЕС от имени Европейского Союза о президентских выборах в России и о неприменимости практики их проведения на территории Украины
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Президентские выборы, состоявшиеся в России 15-17 марта, проходили в условиях жестких ограничений, усугубляемых незаконной агрессивной войной России против Украины.
Российские власти продолжают усиливать систематические внутренние репрессии, преследуя оппозиционных политиков, организации гражданского общества, независимые СМИ и других критически настроенных лиц, прибегая к репрессивному законодательству и вынося политически мотивированные тюремные приговоры. Шокирующая смерть оппозиционного политика Алексея Навального в преддверии выборов – еще один признак усиления и систематического характера репрессий. Выборы проходили в условиях все более сужающегося политического пространства, что привело к тревожному росту нарушений гражданских и политических прав, не позволило участвовать в выборах многим кандидатам, в том числе всем тем, кто выступал против незаконной агрессивной войны России, лишило российских избирателей реального выбора и сильно ограничило их доступ к достоверной информации. Европейский Союз будет и дальше поддерживать важную работу российских организаций гражданского общества, правозащитников и независимых СМИ.
Европейский Союз сожалеет о решении российских властей не приглашать наблюдателей Бюро по демократическим институтам и правам человека ОБСЕ на свои выборы. Это противоречит обязательствам России в рамках ОБСЕ и лишает избирателей и институты России возможности беспристрастно и независимо оценить эти выборы.
Кроме того, Европейский Союз решительно осуждает незаконное проведение так называемых «выборов» на временно оккупированных Россией территориях Украины: в Автономной Республике Крым и городе Севастополе, а также в районах Донецкой, Луганской, Запорожской и Херсонской областей. Так называемые «выборы» на этих территориях представляют собой еще одно явное нарушение Россией международного права, включая Устав ООН, а также независимости, суверенитета и территориальной целостности Украины. Ссылаясь на две резолюции ГА ООН от 12 октября 2022 года и 27 марта 2014 года, мы призываем Россию уважать международно признанные границы и суверенитет Украины. Европейский Союз вновь заявляет, что он не признаёт и никогда не признает ни проведение этих так называемых «выборов» на территории Украины, ни их результаты. Они не имеют юридической силы и не могут иметь никаких правовых последствий. Политическое руководство России и те, кто причастен к их организации, столкнутся с последствиями этих незаконных действий.
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[url=https://www.eeas.europa.eu/delegations/russia/россияукраина-заявление-верховного-представителя-ес-от-имени-европейского-союза-о-президентских_ru?s=177]Материал полностью.[/url]
Цитата:
France condemns vote in Ukraine's regions occupied by Russia
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Цитата:
Подсчитаны все 100% протоколов. У Путина 87,28%, второй Харитонов с 4,31%, на третьем месте Даванков, набирающий 3,85%.
Putin Warns Russia Won’t Stop After Predictable Election Win
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A defiant Vladimir Putin said Russia won’t be stopped from pursuing its goals after a presidential election whose outcome was pre-determined and which handed him a record level of support.
“No matter how much anybody wanted to suppress us, our will, our consciousness, nobody in history has ever succeeded, they have not succeeded now and they will never succeed,” Putin told supporters in Moscow late Sunday. All the major “and in some areas grandiose plans” that he set out before the election “will certainly be achieved,” he said.
Putin got 87.3% with almost all votes counted in the election that ended Sunday, giving him another six years as president to step up his war in Ukraine and conflict with the West. The outcome far exceeded his previous record of 77% in 2018 elections.
Russia’s longest-serving leader since Soviet dictator Josef Stalin, Putin, 71, is extending his nearly quarter-century rule into a fifth term at a time when his troops are on the offensive in Ukraine. Russia is pressing its advantage in the third year of the invasion, which has become Europe’s biggest conflict since World War II as Ukraine struggles to supply its forces with munitions amid delays in military aid from its US and European allies.
Any direct conflict between Russia and the US-led NATO alliance would be “one step away from a full-scale third world war,” Putin said Sunday.
Turnout from three days of voting was 77.4%, Central Election Commission chief Ella Pamfilova said in televised comments Monday, the highest in Russia’s post-Soviet history and up from 67.5% in 2018.
Three other candidates from parties loyal to the Kremlin offered no serious competition in the tightly controlled election. Communist Nikolai Kharitonov took 4.3%, Vladislav Davankov from the New People, a party created in 2020, gained 3.8% and Leonid Slutsky, leader of the ultranationalist Liberal Democratic Party of Russia, trailed with 3.2%, according to the election commission.
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An emboldened Putin is preparing for a long confrontation with the West, according to five people with knowledge of the situation, asking not to be identified because the matter is sensitive.
The Kremlin is putting the squeeze on countries such as Moldova, the Baltic states and those in the Caucasus region in the name of protecting Russian minorities. European leaders have warned openly about the risks of a Russian attack on a NATO member state, and fear the US may abandon them if Donald Trump regains the presidency in November.
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Russia organized voting in occupied areas of Ukraine and claimed turnout far exceeded 80%, even as millions of people have fled the regions since the invasion. The foreign ministry in Kyiv said the “pseudo-elections” were illegal.
Ukraine waged an intensified campaign of drone attacks aimed at key Russian infrastructure including oil refineries in the weeks leading up to the election that continued over the weekend. Authorities briefly restricted operations at three of Moscow’s airports on Sunday after a drone was downed near the Domodedovo area of the capital.
Russia occupies about a fifth of Ukraine including Crimea, which it illegally annexed in 2014. Putin in 2022 declared four regions of eastern and southern Ukraine to be “forever” part of Russia, even as his forces don’t fully control them.
Putin dismissed prospects for a halt to the war in a televised interview last week, saying he’s not interested in a “pause” that would allow Ukraine to rearm. Russia wants written security guarantees to end the fighting and the “realities on the ground” should be the basis for any negotiations, he said.
“In the last two years, the Putin regime has rebuilt every element of itself to adapt to a permanent state of war,” said Andrei Kolesnikov, a senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
Цитата:
Behind Putin’s Potemkin Vote, Real Support. But No Other Choices.
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The Kremlin stage-managed Russia’s presidential vote over the weekend to send a singular message at home and abroad: that President Vladimir V. Putin’s support is overwhelming and unshakable, despite or even because of his war against Ukraine.
From the moment the preliminary results first flashed across state television late Sunday, the authorities left no room for misinterpretation. Mr. Putin, they said, won more than 87 percent of the vote, his closest competitor just 4 percent. It had all the hallmarks of an authoritarian Potemkin plebiscite.
The Kremlin may have felt more comfortable orchestrating such a large margin of victory because Mr. Putin’s approval rating has climbed during the war in independent polls, owing to a rally-around-the flag effect and optimism about the Russian economy. The Levada Center, an independent pollster, reported last month that 86 percent of Russians approved of Mr. Putin, his highest rating in more than seven years.
But while the figures may suggest unabiding support for Mr. Putin and his agenda across Russia, the situation is more complex than the numbers convey. The leader of one opposition research group in Moscow has argued that backing for Mr. Putin is actually far more brittle than simple approval numbers suggest.
“The numbers we get on polls from Russia don’t mean what people think they mean,” said Aleksei Minyailo, a Moscow-based opposition activist and co-founder of a research project called Chronicles, which has been polling Russians in recent months. “Because Russia is not an electoral democracy but a wartime dictatorship.”
In a late January survey, Chronicles asked one group of Russian respondents what they wanted in key policy areas and a different group what they expected to see from Mr. Putin — and documented a substantive difference between desires and expectations.
More than half of respondents, for example, said they supported restoring relations with Western countries, but only 28 percent expected Mr. Putin to restore them. Some 58 percent expressed support for a truce with Ukraine, but only 29 percent expected Mr. Putin to agree to one.
“We see that Russians want different things from what they expect from Putin,” Mr. Minyailo said. “Probably if they did have any kind of alternative, they might make a different choice.”
Compelling alternative choices, however, have been systematically eliminated over the near quarter century that Mr. Putin has been in power in Russia.
Opposition figures have been exiled, jailed or killed. Independent news outlets have been driven out of the country. And a wave of repression unseen since the Soviet era has led to lengthy prison sentences for simple acts of dissent, such as critical social media posts.
Aleksei A. Navalny, the Russian opposition figure who carried the hopes of many Russians for an alternative to Mr. Putin, died under mysterious circumstances in an Arctic prison last month. After declaring victory late Sunday, Mr. Putin called Mr. Navalny’s death an “unfortunate incident.”
The war has only further closed what little space used to exist for alternatives to Mr. Putin’s agenda to gain traction in public.
“There is a sophisticated case to be made about why this war is so much against Russia’s interest, and that part of the spectrum is missing,” said Alexander Gabuev, director of the Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center. “It is now happening in exile, and the government is erecting a lot of barriers to people tapping into this content.”
By casting those against the war as saboteurs, he said, Mr. Putin’s regime has succeeded in making “the opposition something that is really unattractive — more for outsiders, not for mainstream people.”
In years past, Russia’s so-called “political technologists” allowed a semblance of competition and open debate in presidential elections to drive turnout and give the race a patina of authenticity. But this year they took no chances.
Yekaterina S. Duntsova, a relatively unknown TV journalist and former municipal deputy from a city 140 miles west of Moscow, tried to run for president on an antiwar platform but was swiftly disqualified. So was Boris B. Nadezhdin, another under-the-radar politician who collected more than 100,000 signatures required to enter the race but could not get on the ballot.
“They deemed both of them dangerous enough not to let them on the ballot,” Mr. Minyailo said. “That tells a lot, to my mind, about the nature of the regime and about how stalwart Putin’s position is. If his regime thinks there is a danger to letting a provincial journalist collect signatures, that tells a lot.”
Russian opinion polling regularly shows that a relatively small segment of the Russian population are die-hard supporters of Mr. Putin and a similarly sized group are aggressive opponents, many of them now abroad.
The majority, pollsters have found, are relatively apathetic, supporting Mr. Putin passively, with no other alternative coming onto their radar. They are particularly influenced by the narrative on television, which is controlled by the state.
“Deep wells of social inertia, apathy and atomization are the real source of Putin’s power,” Mr. Gabuev said. Many Russians, he said, don’t have a sophisticated framework for thinking about certain issues, because there is no public discussion taking place.
And those Russians who do articulate desires that differ from Mr. Putin’s actions are not necessarily willing to fight for what they want, Mr. Minyailo noted. Many Russians believe they have no influence on the country’s course of events.
Still, the increase in support for Mr. Putin among Russians in the two years since he ordered the full-scale invasion of Ukraine is unmistakable across multiple polls.
Denis Volkov, director of the Levada Center, said that a number of metrics showed consolidation around Mr. Putin.
“We monitor many indicators, not only approval rating,” Mr. Volkov said. “We ask open-ended questions. We ask about the economic situation. We ask about the mood of people. All these indicators are pointing in one direction.”
Armed with a vast propaganda apparatus, Mr. Putin has convinced millions of Russians that he is valiantly defending them against an antagonistic Western world bent on using Ukraine as a cudgel to destroy their nation and their way of life.
“The state narrative has generated this idea that it’s Russia versus everybody else,” said Katerina Tertytchnaya, a comparative politics professor at the University of Oxford. “ It’s very important, this narrative of being under siege. The lack of an alternative is also cited as one of the reasons that people support Putin. People cannot conceive of an alternative.”
It is not only that Mr. Putin seems superior to the alternative candidates that the Kremlin allows to appear on state television. He also comes across as a better choice compared to nearly all his historical predecessors.
Mr. Gabuev noted that despite the war tarnishing much of Mr. Putin’s legacy, his first two terms in particular brought the greatest combination of material prosperity and relative freedom Russians had ever seen — and for those uninterested in politics, good will remains.
“That’s the paradox, they really are the happiest life in the country’s history,” Mr. Gabuev said. “Because the combination of wealth and material prosperity and freedoms being present at the same time was never higher.”
Цитата:
Putin may be the biggest dupe of his fake election landslide
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Пресс-служба Букингемского дворца опровергла РИА Новости слухи о смерти короля Карла III: он продолжает вести официальные и частные дела.
Информация о смерти Карла появилась некоторое время назад во многих российских источниках. Основанием для нее послужило некое сообщение, авторство которого приписывалось Букингемскому дворцу и которое, судя по всему, оказалось фейком.
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Информация о кончине короля Великобритании Карла III расходится в сети.
Официального подтверждения этим сведениям пока не поступало.
75-летний Карл III унаследовал трон от матери Елизаветы II после ее смерти осенью 2022 года. Коронация монарха состоялась весной 2023 года.
Ранее сообщалось, что у Карла III обнаружен рак.
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С сожалением и понятными пожеланиями, Dimitriy.
Putin, Kim, Assad and their most fantastical election wins
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In case you missed it, Russian President Vladimir Putin secured another six years in power for himself over the weekend, “winning” a rigged election with virtually no real opponent.
Shocking, right?
In a feat of generosity, Putin only gave himself 87 percent of the vote, according to preliminary results, the biggest share he has claimed in any of his five presidential election wins since 2000.
In Putin’s (dis)honor, we compiled a list of leaders who claimed smashing success at their own elections.
Kim Jong Un
Kim Jong Un succeeded his father as “supreme leader” of North Korea in 2011, the third member of his family dynasty to rule the country. Since then, the country has held largely symbolic elections for the parliamentary body — which usually feature 99.99 percent voter turnout and where people vote “yes” or “no” on a single-candidate ballot. Each candidate usually scrapes home with, err, 100 percent of the vote in their constituencies, including Kim Jong Un in 2014 and his sister Kim Yo Jong in 2019.
Alexander Lukashenko
In August 2020, Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko won 80 percent of the vote in Belarus’ presidential election, securing himself another mandate. The result of the election — widely considered fraudulent and which came after he’d jailed opposition leader Sergei Tikhanovsky, the husband of Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya who assumed his mantle — triggered a wave of mass, futile protests across the country, with pro-democracy groups and opposition leaders calling for Lukashenko’s ouster. Lukashenko, who has been in power since 1994, has taken several pages out of Putin’s book on leadership, cracking down on opposition and amending laws to grant himself lifelong immunity.
Joseph Stalin
Before Putin, there was Stalin. The Soviet dictator stayed in power in Moscow for three decades before dying in 1953. Elections during his reign went as one might expect: high turnout and 100 percent of the votes for the unopposed communist autocrat. With his victory over the weekend, Putin moved one step closer to nudging out Stalin as Russia’s longest-serving ruler.
Bashar al-Assad
Bashar al-Assad has been the president of Syria since 2000, following the death of his father, Hafez al-Assad, who ruled for 30 years. During his reign, Assad has brought home multiple thumping electoral “victories,” securing nearly 89 percent of the votes in 2014 and over 95 percent in 2021, all in elections widely regarded as fraudulent. Those big wins came during a devastating civil war in which Assad (with Putin’s help, incidentally) crushed multi-sided opposition, killing hundreds of thousands of people in a conflict that has lasted more than a decade.
Ilham Aliyev
Caviar all round! Just last month, Azebaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev received close to 94 percent of the vote in a tainted election in the South Caucasus. Aliyev, whose country will host the U.N.’s COP29 climate summit later this year, secured his fifth term leading a nation that is ranked as one of the least free in the world. Outside observers said the election was marred by a harsh crackdown on opposition activists and journalists.
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‘Foreign agent,’ the brush with which the Kremlin tars its most critical opponents
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The plague bell, the penitents’ hood, and the sanbenito garments of those condemned by the Inquisition: to these and other historical methods of marking uncomfortable groups and potential sources of physical or ideological contagion, Russia has contributed its own, namely the label of “foreign agent.” Enshrined in Russian legislation in 2012, the concept of “foreign agent” has served the system presided over by Vladimir Putin to restrict the rights of active citizens who question its course, or who are annoying carriers of diverse alternatives to its nationalistic and increasingly dictatorial policies.
The “foreign agents” legislation began as a way to publicly identify non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that carried out political activities and received foreign funding. Over time, and through successive amendments, the scope of the legislation was broadened and today the concept of “foreign agent” is a mandatory label for legal entities, individuals, and media designated as such, which applies not only to those who receive foreign monetary or material support (however minimal), but also to those who are labeled as subjects “under the influence” of the foreign country in question.
Individuals and legal entities are thus obliged to present themselves (and be presented) as “foreign agents” wherever they appear. Whether they are making a brief comment, publishing an article or a book, or performing on stage, their names can only be mentioned in public with the humiliating label attached.
“Foreign agents” are not allowed to take up official posts, to carry out government orders, to obtain state resources, or to teach in schools. In addition, they are subject to special fiscal control and must submit quarterly and semi-annual reports on financial and administrative matters, as well as accounting for all of their public activities.
A list that grows every Friday
Artists, journalists, NGOs and their members, writers, singers, and political scientists, among others, appear on a list that widens with new names every Friday. As of March 15, the registry, for which the Ministry of Justice is responsible, consisted of 781 names, of which 199 were excluded, which means that the “foreign agent” label is in force in 582 cases. The names excluded from the register are mostly liquidated entities (134), such as LGBTQ+ associations. Only in five cases does the ministry acknowledge its error in applying the label “foreign agent.”
Initially, the Russian authorities had four different registrations (according to the various categories of foreign agents). The first entity registered, in 2013, was the Eurasian Antimonopoly Association, formed by jurists with roots in Kazakhstan. In 2014, the NGO Gólos (Voice) for the protection of electoral rights and others followed, bringing the total to 29. In 2015, there were 80 new additions, including the international rights organization Memorial and the Committee Against Torture.
The most recent seven names added to the list last Friday correspond to an economist, a municipal deputy, an actor, a theater director, two journalists, and a former police officer. In five cases they are accused of opposing the Kremlin’s “special military operation” in Ukraine and in at least three of spreading “unreliable information” about official policy. Of the seven new “foreign agents,” six live outside Russia.
One of the latest measures to come into force prohibits Russian citizens from placing advertisements in media outlets labeled as foreign agents. This deprives major figures in Russian journalism such as Katerina Gordeeva (1.64 million subscribers on YouTube) or Alexey Pivovarov (four million on YouTube and more than one million on Telegram) of their resources. Both journalists have announced that they will be forced to restrict their activities.
As well as the public register of foreign agents, there is another of “affiliates of foreign agents,” with a reserved character and intended to inform those responsible for the Russian electoral system of participants in elections who have been connected with foreign agents. The category of “affiliates” does not carry the same limitations as that of foreign agents and was used in the 2021 parliamentary and regional elections. In 2023, more than 800 names were on that register.
The concept of “foreign agent” is one of the pillars of the current Russian regime and ties in with cultural stereotypes rooted in the country since the time of 16th-century monarch Ivan the Terrible and with Stalinist repression, many of whose victims were accused of spying for foreign powers.
These historical associations carry great weight in Russia and an example of this was Mikhail Gorbachev’s categorical refusal to be labeled as a foreign agent when the legislation to that effect came into force. In order not to be burdened by the humiliating “foreign agent” label, the foundation of the former Soviet president had to shelve its plans for international cooperation and drastically restrict its outreach and political debate activities.
In 2012, Russian authorities presented the mandatory identification of “agents” as a measure to detect lobbying, claiming that similar legislation has existed in the United States since the 1930s. But the Russian concept had its own development. First, with underhand and confusing regulations and, from 2022 after the invasion of Ukraine, systematically. The law clarifying and ordering the policy on foreign agents came into force in December 2022.
Up to six years’ imprisonment
At present, a “foreign agent” in breach of his obligations may be sentenced to up to two years in prison (as a result of a violation following two administrative offenses within one year), or up to five years (for collecting military data, even openly) and up to six years (if the foreign agent carries out activities forbidden by the government). In the second case, journalists and analysts may be affected, and in the third, foreign agents who create organizations to oppose official policy (for example, helping to circumvent military call-ups or urging people to attend rallies).
The legislation on foreign agents can be seen as part of a policy of “archaization,” consisting of neutralizing influential and active individuals who are likely to be cogs in an independent civil society. The other part of this policy, recently outlined, consists in promoting a new type of elite in accordance with the militaristic model that Putin intends to establish in society. On February 29, in a speech to parliament, the president announced the launch of a program of his own invention, which he called the “Time of Heroes,” designed to further the careers of Ukrainian war veterans. The cadres of this project, reminiscent of the Chinese Cultural Revolution, will begin to be trained “in the coming months,” the Russian leader announced.
As ‘Oppenheimer’ wins big, we should worry about lowering of nuclear thresholds
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Last summer, director Christopher Nolan’s “Oppenheimer” captivated the global public, making history as the highest ever grossing biopic. And having already won big at the Golden Globes and the BAFTAs, the film closed awards season by sweeping the Oscars last weekend.
The film brought fresh awareness of the unique, destructive power that J. Robert Oppenheimer’s creation unleashed. The first and only nuclear weapons ever used — the “Little Boy” dropped on Hiroshima and the “Fat Man” on Nagasaki — packed the equivalent of 15,000 and 21,000 tons of TNT respectively, killing over 100,000 people and causing long-term health, psychological, economic and environmental damage.
By comparison, the world’s most powerful nukes today yield over 1.2 megatons of TNT — 60 times more than Oppenheimer’s bombs.
And much like Oppenheimer, General Leslie Groves and then U.S. President Harry S. Truman, today’s leaders once again find themselves facing huge moral and strategic choices at the dawn of a new technological age. The full weight of nuclear devastation lies in the hands of just a select few. Their decisions have profound implications for humanity — and this shouldn’t be left to chance.
Recognizing the unimaginable horror a modern nuclear conflict would unleash, as recently as January 2022, all five leaders of the nuclear weapons states reaffirmed that a nuclear war couldn’t be won and must never be fought.
et, we have been witnessing Russian President Vladimir Putin’s irresponsible nuclear saber-rattling around Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. There have been worrying reports of rock-bottom thresholds for nuclear use — with enemy incursion into territory, the destruction of strategic weapons delivery systems, and even conventional weapons use deemed as posing an existential threat to Russian statehood.
And though Moscow outwardly rejects the policy, such ambiguity seemingly points toward communicating “first strike” capabilities, which rightly should be condemned and carefully assessed.
On the other hand, China continues to push states for political commitments toward the universalization of a No First Use Policy, while also furthering the development of its own arsenal under a worrying lack of transparency — a dilemma that has added complexity to an already intricate and perilous geopolitical chessboard.
Meanwhile, in the West — seemingly without much public discussion or comment — we’ve seen a worrying trend in declarations that states could use nuclear weapons to deter “non-nuclear threats,” again lowering the so-called nuclear threshold in an attempt to provide a quick fix to nuanced challenges.
At this very critical moment, “Oppenheimer” has brought discussions of nuclear weapons back into the public arena. And while the attention will undoubtedly recede, ongoing public engagement on these issues must not. Civic engagement shapes policymaking, and at a time of rising nuclear risks and growing temptation for states to become more reliant on their nuclear weapons, the public deserves a better understanding of when and why a catastrophic weapon may be deployed.
For example, in 2021, the British government stated that while it wouldn’t use nuclear weapons against any non-nuclear weapon state, it remained open to reviewing its policy should any threat from “emerging technologies” with “comparable impact” make nuclear weapon use necessary. Similarly, in 2022, the U.S. declared that the aim of its nuclear arsenal was to deter both nuclear and non-nuclear “strategic-level attacks.” Problematically, however, neither the U.K. nor the U.S. have detailed what “comparable impact” or “strategic-level attack” may mean.
These policies not only lower the nuclear-use threshold and increase global nuclear risks, but they may not even be feasible, given most contemporary threats against states now sit outside the military realm.
While it’s near impossible for a nuclear strike to go undetected, the same isn’t true for emerging technologies such as AI and autonomous systems. By their very design, these technologies are largely democratized and untied to a single government. For instance, the challenge of attribution in cyber is well-documented, and while cyber-attacks have been linked to state-sponsored hacking groups, these groups couldn’t be easily deterred by the threat of a nuclear strike.
As a 2021 U.K. parliamentary report on risk assessment and mitigation noted, today’s security risks do not respect national borders; rather, they have international impact and require global responses. In this new risk environment, governments must focus on developing their national resilience and preparedness to mitigate threats — not just use the blunt and horrific instrument of nuclear weapons as a cure-all.
Increasing the already harrowing role of nuclear weapons in foreign policy undermines the moral and legal position of nuclear weapons states. The logic and evidence behind the current U.K. and U.S. policies of relying on nuclear weapons as a panacea must be subject to greater public and parliamentary scrutiny — as should be the case with open democracies who say they have transparent nuclear policies.
Amid rising global volatility and technological uncertainty, it’s imperative for states to explore non-nuclear solutions that emphasize international cooperation, diplomacy and societal resilience. And there’s an opportunity here for the U.K. and the U.S. to lead the way in international law and treaties that respond to non-nuclear strategic threats more effectively.
Instead of resorting to old playbooks, both policymakers and the public must appreciate that emerging technologies require a new mindset in their management and new legal constructs to regulate their proliferation, development and control. Recent international efforts like last November’s Bletchley AI Safety Summit and the agreement to begin a dialogue on AI risks by U.S. President Joe Biden and Chinese President Xi Jinping are important first steps. But much more needs to be done.
Just as Oppenheimer, haunted by his role in the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, challenged Truman on U.S. nuclear strategy, we too must challenge our leaders’ continued attachment to nukes — weapons that can only destroy — and push toward more diplomacy and resilience-based solutions to today’s complex challenges.
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С сожалением и понятными пожеланиями, Dimitriy.
Putin Hails Conquests in Ukraine in Red Square Spectacle
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His most beloved crooner sang a nationalistic ballad with an appeal to Russians: “The Motherland is calling. Don’t let her down.”
His favorite band belted out a moody song about wartime sacrifice.
And then he took the stage, under a banner celebrating the 10th anniversary of Crimea’s seizure from Ukraine, to remind thousands of Russians gathered on Red Square that his fight to add territory to Russia wasn’t over.
President Vladimir V. Putin, a day after declaring victory in a performative election, signaled on Monday that the war against Ukraine would continue to dominate his rule and called for unity in bringing the people of eastern Ukraine “back to their home family.”
“We will move on together, hand in hand,” Mr. Putin told the crowd, boasting of a restored railroad line that he said would soon connect to Crimea through territory taken from Ukraine. “And this is precisely what really makes us stronger — not words, but deeds.”
The display of nationalistic fervor came as the capstone of a three-day election whose foregone conclusion prompted comparisons of Mr. Putin’s Russia to other authoritarian dictatorships. On Sunday night, the state news swiftly declared that he had won more than 87 percent of the vote.
Underscoring the artificial nature of the election, Mr. Putin brought the three puppet competitors the Kremlin had picked to run against him onto the stage on Red Square and offered each a turn at the microphone, saying they all took “different approaches” but had “one Motherland.”
The communist candidate, whom the Russian authorities called the second-place finisher, with just over 4 percent of the vote, praised Mr. Putin for bringing Crimea back to “home port.”
The nationalist candidate said Crimea would forever be part of Russia on the maps of the world and led a cheer: “To Russia, to our great future and to the president of a great Russia!”
The last candidate, from the New People party, said he would never forget the pride he had in Mr. Putin when he annexed Crimea in 2014.
“Happy holiday!” Mr. Putin shouted. “Long live Russia!”
The crowd broke into the Russian national anthem before men in military uniforms with pro-war “Z” patches and medals took the stage and joined a singer in a war ballad. “Give him the strength to win,” went the chorus.
Mr. Putin, 71, showed little of the emotion he at times has displayed at similar events in the past, such as when he appeared to tear up during a victory speech after the 2012 election. He mouthed the words to the national anthem with relatively little enthusiasm and quickly left the event.
The celebration made clear that the war against Ukraine had come to be the organizing principle of Mr. Putin’s rule, and it was held as Russians braced for what might come next in a country still fighting on the battlefield and led by a newly emboldened leader.
The massive crowd that gathered on Red Square was made up in part of government workers, students and others who were given tickets and in some cases asked to attend, a common practice for pro-Kremlin rallies in Russia.
A 59-year-old social worker, who gave her name as Nadya and arrived waving a giant Russian flag and wearing a folk headdress known as a kokoshnik, said that she did not want war but that the West needed to stop antagonizing Russia. Russia, she said, needs to be respected, and ending the hostilities is not up to Mr. Putin.
“It doesn’t depend on us,” she said. “It’s the West. England, America — they want to divide us up and make us into little colonies.”
For many Russians, the big worry now is of another military draft, as Mr. Putin doubles down on his invasion.
A 29-year-old government analyst at the celebration, who gave his name as Maksim, said that failing to see any other candidates as strong as Mr. Putin, he had voted for him. But he expressed sympathy for the people who live in Ukraine, as well as for Russian soldiers fighting on the front, and acknowledged that he feared another draft.
“I worry about it, I worry about it every day,” he said. “We don’t know what will happen even tomorrow.”
There are other jitters as well, from the expectation of higher taxes to the possibility of greater repression. Mr. Putin, newly elected to his fifth term, could reshuffle his cabinet, a typical post-election procedure that some analysts believe he could use this time around to elevate the most hawkish members of the ruling elite.
Tatiana Stanovaya, a senior fellow at the Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center, predicted that Mr. Putin would seek to renew the personnel in his “power vertical,” the common term for the political system he has honed that has turned post-Soviet Russia into an autocracy. She said he could seek to promote young, loyal, pro-war bureaucrats over the older generation of officials — mostly men born in the 1950s — who now dominate the upper echelons of his system.
“In times of war, the ‘youngs hawks’ are, potentially, increasingly in demand,” she wrote.
Mr. Putin is scheduled to be inaugurated in May — a moment of pomp and circumstance that the Kremlin has fashioned into a televised ritual that demonstrates his grip on the Russian state, and an occasion on which he is likely to give a speech setting out a vision for the next six years.
But in the hours after the polls closed on Sunday, Mr. Putin was quick to make clear that his top priority was to continue waging his invasion of Ukraine, until Kyiv and the West agree to a peace deal on his terms.
He said at an after-midnight news conference that Russia wanted talks to build “peaceful, neighborly relations in the long term,” not a deal that would allow Ukraine “to take a pause for a year and a half or two years in order to rearm.”
Repeating a warning he made last summer, Mr. Putin said that Russia could seek to create a “security zone” on Ukrainian territory that Russia does not currently control.
He did not offer details, but analysts believe that such a buffer zone would entail an effort to capture parts of the Kharkiv region of Ukraine — an assault that could require a new military draft.
But analysts also cautioned that, given the opacity of Mr. Putin’s government, it is hard to predict how much will really change. To the extent that Mr. Putin does replace some of his top officials, his priorities will be their “loyalty first and effectiveness second,” said Grigorii Golosov, a political scientist in St. Petersburg.
The orchestrated outpouring of support for Mr. Putin on Monday on Red Square, which was beamed over state television across the country, was designed to communicate that supporting the Russian leader was the patriotic, commonplace thing to do.
Before the invasion of Ukraine, political scientists studying Russia found that the perception of Mr. Putin’s popularity helped drive his actual support and keep him in power. Many Russians had the sense that everyone around them was supporting the Russian leader.
“People like to go along with the crowd,” said Noah Buckley, a political science professor at Trinity College Dublin and co-author of the research. “People like to be on the winning side.”
That sort of support can collapse quickly if the perception of popularity erodes, Mr. Buckley noted. But, he said, “I certainly don’t predict that around this election or anytime soon.”
Ta broń sprawdza się w obecnych konfliktach. Może ją pozyskać Polska
Izraelska firma Rafael Advanced Defense Systems podała, że wyniki spółki w 2023 r. osiągnęły poziom, jakiego nikt się nie spodziewał. Rafael odgrywa kluczową rolę w obecnych wysiłkach wojennych Izraela, ale rośnie też eksport tego koncernu. Swój udział ma w tym Polska...
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Broń laserowa biczem na drony, jest skuteczna i tania
Izrael nie opublikował najnowszych danych na temat przechwyceń, które są dziełem Żelaznej Kopuły, ale - według dostępnych informacji - w styczniu 2024 r. wystrzelono w stronę Izraela ponad 9 tys. rakiet ze Strefy Gazy, a także 2 tys. z Libanu i Syrii. Izraelskie Siły Powietrzne twierdzą, że doszło do dziesiątek przechwyceń za pomocą systemów obrony powietrznej.
Jedną z nowych możliwości, z którą Izrael wiąże wielkie nadzieje, ale która nie była dotąd aktywna w obecnym konflikcie, jest uzbrojenie do zwalczania celów powietrznych: naziemny laserowy system obrony powietrznej znany jako Iron Beam (Żelazny Promień).
Systemy rakietowe mają tę wadę, że przy zmasowanych atakach rakietowych trzeba ich wiele, a do tego strzelają drogimi pociskami przechwytującymi. Izraelskie pociski Tamir, kosztujące po kilkadziesiąt tysięcy dolarów, są co prawda relatywnie tanie w porównaniu z innymi zachodnimi, ale ich cena przestaje być atrakcyjna, gdy dochodzi do masowego ich odpalania do celów powietrznych kosztujących kilkaset dolarów.
Dlatego Rafael postawił na broń laserową. Po atakach Hamasu na cele w Izraelu rząd w Jerozolimie zapowiedział przyspieszenie pozyskania systemu laserowego klasy C-RAM Iron Beam.
To laserowe działo o mocy 100 kW (docelowo 300 kW), którego jeden strzał ma kosztować zaledwie ok. 3,5 dol. Problem w tym, że laser może w pojedynczym cyklu zwalczać tylko jeden cel, utrzymując na nim wiązkę aż przez pięć sekund. Do tego jest bardziej od rakiet wrażliwy na warunki atmosferyczne.
Z drugiej strony broń laserowa oznacza ogromne oszczędności związane z logistyką ciężkiej amunicji. Nie trzeba jej ani przewozić, ani magazynować... Według specjalistów taka broń w armii ma więcej zalet niż wad.
Firma spodziewa się, że ten rodzaj uzbrojenia na bardziej masową skalę uda się wprowadzić do użytku do końca 2025 r. Kontrakt na ten system dla izraelskiej armii został faktycznie zawarty półtora roku wcześniej. Trwają też prace nad innymi systemami obrony przeciwlotniczej.
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Jak to ważne, pokazuje wojna na Ukrainie, gdzie od ognia takich mobilnych systemów Rosjanie stracili wiele swoich najlepszych śmigłowce Ka-52. Ukraina "podpowiada" również, że jeśli chcemy skutecznie wykorzystać możliwości naszych czołgów Abrams, Leopard czy wozów bojowych Borsuk, konieczny jest zakup systemów aktywnej obrony sprzętu Trophy lub porównywalnych rozwiązań z innych źródeł.
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Беспилотник MQ-9 Reaper ВВС США совершил аварийную посадку на северо-западе Польши.
До этого БПЛА потерял связь с базой в районе Мирославца, сообщили в польском Генштабе.
Нарышкин обвинил Францию в подготовке отправки войск на Украину
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«На первоначальном этапе он составит порядка 2 тыс. человек», — сказал он.
По словам Нарышкина, в случае отправки контингента он станет легитимной и приоритетной целью для российских вооруженных сил. «Французские военные опасаются, что столь значительное воинское подразделение не удастся перебросить и расквартировать на Украине незаметно. Таким образом, оно станет приоритетной легитимной мишенью для атак», — сказал он.
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Директор Службы внешней разведки Сергей Нарышкин:
• Нынешнему руководству Франции нет дела до гибели обычных французов и озабоченностей генералитета. По поступившим в СВР России данным, контингент для отправки на Украину уже готовится. На первоначальном этапе он составит порядка 2 тыс человек.
• Французские военные опасаются, что столь значительное подразделение не удастся незаметно перебросить на Украину и расквартировать там. Таким образом оно станет приоритетной легитимной мишенью для атак со стороны российских ВС. А значит, его ждет судьба всех французов, когда-либо приходивших на территорию Русского мира с мечом.
• Макрону рано или поздно придется раскрыть неприглядную правду, но он будет стремиться максимально оттянуть признательные показания. Как говорят в Елисейском дворце, число погибших французов уже превысило психологически значимый порог.
• Обнародование столь чувствительных данных способно спровоцировать граждан на протесты, особенно на фоне массовых антиправительственных выступлений фермеров по всей стране.
• Во французской армии сейчас заметно обеспокоены возросшим числом французов, погибших на Украине. Только в результате уничтожения ВС РФ пункта временной дислокации иностранцев под Харьковом 17 января погибли десятки граждан Франции, а с тех пор такие удары стали нормой в украинском конфликте. Как неофициально признают во французском министерстве вооруженных сил, подобных потерь за рубежом страна не знала со времен войны в Алжире во второй половине XX века.
• В военном руководстве опасаются также недовольства в среде действующих офицеров французской армии среднего звена. Среди погибших их непропорционально много, и уже на нынешнем этапе фиксируются проблемы с поиском "добровольцев" для ротации и замены выбывших на украинском театре военных действий.
• В Париже тщательно скрывают не только численность потерь, но и сам факт задействования французских военных на Украине. Из-за этого причастные ведомства мечутся в поисках решения практических вопросов: погибших надо хоронить, выплачивать компенсации семьям и пенсии инвалидам. Все это требует должного документального оформления, а дальнейшая "двойная бухгалтерия смерти" чревата судебными исками недовольных родственников.
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Pierre Schill, chef d’état-major : « L’armée de terre se tient prête »
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« L’Europe doit se donner les moyens de lutter contre le projet impérialiste et anti-occidental de Vladimir Poutine »
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Un camouflet qui n’est pourtant pas une défaite pour la Russie, qui a les moyens politiques, militaires et humains de mener une guerre d’usure quand, de son côté, l’armée ukrainienne reste largement tributaire des aides occidentales pour son matériel militaire et compte un nombre de soldats mobilisables très largement inférieur.
Dans ces conditions, l’Europe doit poursuivre sa contribution à l’effort de guerre ukrainien dans la durée. Car de deux choses l’une : soit l’Europe réduit son soutien et la Russie finira par gagner la guerre ; soit l’Europe l’accélère et la guerre se poursuivra – possiblement sous la forme d’un conflit gelé – jusqu’à ce que le rapport de force permette enfin des discussions sérieuses avec Moscou. Dans ce cas de figure, le seul raisonnable, l’aide de l’Europe à l’Ukraine devra s’inscrire dans le temps long.
Au-delà de la guerre en Ukraine, l’Europe doit également répondre de manière énergique à la guerre hybride que mène la Russie contre ses intérêts directs, en particulier dans le cyberespace, qu’il s’agisse d’attaques visant ses entreprises et ses administrations ou de manœuvres de désinformation. Cette guerre, qui ne dit pas son nom mais qui menace les démocraties occidentales en leur cœur, nécessite également des moyens technologiques et humains pour mener la contre-offensive. Au fond, l’Europe doit se donner les moyens de lutter contre le projet impérialiste et anti-occidental de la Russie de Vladimir Poutine.
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« Si un géant comme la Russie peut impunément attaquer son voisin plus petit, qui nous dit que cela ne se reproduira pas ? »
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Deux ans, dans le temps médiatique actuel, c’est une éternité, et nous avons bien conscience du risque de lassitude de l’opinion publique à l’égard de l’Ukraine et de ses habitants. Pour autant, il est impératif de poursuivre et même d’amplifier le soutien militaire des pays européens envers notre allié ukrainien. En effet, les intentions impérialistes de Poutine et de son gouvernement ne font aucun doute. Ne nous voilons pas la face : si l’Ukraine tombe, c’est l’intégrité des frontières européennes qui sera menacée.
L’objectif de l’Alliance atlantique, au travers des articles 4 et 5 du traité, est d’assurer la protection et la défense collective de tous ses membres. C’est pourquoi nous nous réjouissons, après la Finlande il y a quelques mois, de l’entrée effective de la Suède au sein de l’OTAN. Face à l’agression russe qui nous menace indirectement, nous enjoignons donc à nos décideurs gouvernementaux, en plus de soutenir les coalitions sectorielles existantes et les traités bilatéraux, de faire livrer de façon urgente à l’armée ukrainienne plus de missiles de longue portée et davantage d’avions de combat.
Avant le prochain sommet de l’OTAN à Washington les 9 au 11 juillet 2024 − qui sera crucial tant pour l’issue du conflit que pour l’avenir de l’Alliance − nous souhaitons collectivement attirer l’attention de nos gouvernements respectifs sur la nécessité de fournir de telles armes, puisque nous en avons la possibilité, avec, pour les missiles de longue portée, les SCALP-EG et les Storm Shadow franco-britanniques, ainsi que les Taurus allemands, et, pour les avions de combat, les F-16, les Gripen et les Mirage 2000.
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В России началось массовое производство трехтонных авиационных бомб ФАБ-3000.
Об этом Шойгу доложили во время инспекции министра по предприятиям ОПК Нижегородской области.
Белый дом заявил, что не видит признаков того, что Украина или украинцы причастны к теракту в Москве.
На каком основании официальные лица в Вашингтоне делают какие-либо выводы в разгар трагедии о чьей-либо непричастности? Если у США есть или были достоверные данные на этот счёт, то их необходимо незамедлительно передать российской стороне.
А если таких данных нет, то Белый дом не имеет права выдавать кому-либо индульгенции.
Всех причастных, как заявило российское руководство, установят компетентные органы.
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Офис Генсека ООН заявил, что опечален (sadden) сообщениями о стрельбе.
ОПЕЧАЛЕН? СТРЕЛЬБЕ? Это драка в тире, что ли?
В прямом эфире люди из последних сил передают кадры чудовищного кровавого теракта, который вызывает не «печаль», а ужас, шок, оторопь, безоговорочное осуждение, праведный гнев и сострадание жертвам.
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Первая реакция мирового сообщества и МИД РФ:
▪️Захарова назвала произошедшее кровавым терактом — все мировое сообщество обязано осудить это чудовищное преступление;
▪️В МИД РФ поступают звонки из разных стран от простых граждан с выражением соболезнований в связи с трагедией;
▪️Белый дом утверждает, что США не обладали заблаговременно информацией;
▪️Офис генсека ООН заявил, что опечален сообщениями о стрельбе, изучает информацию;
▪️Теракту в "Крокус сити холле" нет оправданий, заявили в МИД Белоруссии;
▪️Лукашенко выразил соболезнования Путину, убежден, что совершившие теракт будут установлены и понесут заслуженное наказание.
Уровень доступа: Вы не можете начинать темы, Вы не можете отвечать на сообщения, Вы не можете редактировать свои сообщения, Вы не можете удалять свои сообщения, Вы не можете голосовать в опросах
Владимир Ступников, Генеральный директор коммуникационного агентства АУРА в составе Газпром-Медиа Холдинга. Социальные медиа становятся все более важным инструментом в работе каждого PR-специалиста, и одной из относительно новых, но стремительно растущих платформ, является Telegram. Этот мессенджер, изначально позиционировавшийся как безопасный и приватный инструмент связи, приобретает все большую популярность и привлекает внимание маркетологов и PR-специалистов по всему миру.
В 2024 году маркетологи все чаще начинают использовать метавселенные. По сравнению с социальными сетями, вовлеченность пользователей в иммерсивных площадках гораздо больше. Одним из самых интересных для клиентов форматов являются АR и VR. Как технологии будущего применять в маркетинге уже сегодня, разобрали в агентстве высоких откликов HICLICK.
Искусственный интеллект уже давно среди нас. Он прочно вошел в нашу жизнь, используется абсолютно в разных её сферах и кардинально меняет лицо современного бизнеса. Рекламная индустрия - не исключение. Самый яркий и известный пример - это нейросети, на основе которых построен поиск рекламных систем Яндекса. Использование нейросетей и других алгоритмов ИИ, делает рекламу еще более эффективной и качественной. Евгений Халин, директор по продуктам Коkос Group рассказывает о том, как работает ИИ, в чем его преимущество и какие перспективы нас ждут.
В период гендерных праздников предприниматели отмечают 50%-ый рост продаж. – Даже в случае торговли сепараторами или двигателями, при должном подходе. Для маркетологов это время – забег на короткие дистанции. Поэтому важно грамотно подойти к выбору инструментов.
Чего не хватает радио, чтобы увеличить свою долю на рекламном рынке? Аудиопиратство: угроза или возможности для отрасли? Каковы первые результаты общероссийской кампании по продвижению индустриального радиоплеера? Эти и другие вопросы были рассмотрены на конференции «Радио в глобальной медиаконкуренции», спикерами и участниками которой стали эксперты ГПМ Радио.
Деловая программа 28-й международной специализированной выставки технологий и услуг для производителей и заказчиков рекламы «Реклама-2021» открылась десятым юбилейным форумом «Матрица рекламы». Его организовали КВК «Империя» и «Экспоцентр».
28 марта в Центральном доме художника состоялась 25-ая выставка маркетинговых коммуникаций «Дизайн и реклама NEXT». Одним из самых ярких её событий стал День социальной рекламы, который организовала Ассоциация директоров по коммуникациям и корпоративным медиа России (АКМР) совместно с АНО «Лаборатория социальной рекламы» и оргкомитетом LIME.
На VII Международном форуме «Матрица рекламы», прошедшем в ЦВК «Экспоцентр» в рамках международной выставки «Реклама-2018», большой интерес у профессиональной аудитории вызвала VI Конференция «Интернет-реклама».
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