"Видел я и обугленные купюры в банке из-под халвы, и обгрызенные мышами доллары – владелец хранил кэш в погребе", – приводит пример инвестбанкир, пожелавший не называться.
По его словам, за свою карьеру он повидал немало смешных историй, связанных с тем, как клиенты хранят большое количество наличных денег. "Некоторые держат наличку в морозильнике. Это особенно прикольно. Часто рядом с пачками купюр в целлофане они держат замороженное мясо. Иногда вырубается электричество, вылетают пробки, холодильник саморазмораживается. Деньги, спрятанные в морозилке, вымазываются в мясной крови. Как будто их вытащили из кармана убитого", – рассказывает банкир.
По его словам, один его клиент даже попросил жену выделить полку в морозильнике – верхнюю – специально для кэша.
Эксперт не советует хранить большие суммы налички по примеру беглого судьи Чауса – в трехлитровых банках (его задержали на взятке в 150 тыс долларов). По словам инвестбанкира, банки не герметичны – в них попадает воздух, а значит, купюры могут отсыреть, и прийти в негодность. Не стоит деньги закапывать в сундуках и коробках, потому что их могут съесть насекомые, предостерегает банкир.
Еще один ненадежный способ спрятать дома кэш (которым, кстати, часто пользуются герои американских фильмов) – завернуть деньги в кулек и положить в туалетный бачок. "Вода все равно просачивается", – утверждает инвестбанкир.
…
Итак, существует три стандартных способа хранения наличных средств. Первый – дома: под матрасом, под подушкой, в шкафу под носками или в сейфе. Второй, более надежный, – в банковских ячейках. И третий, самый интересный – в будущих взятках.
"Не секрет, что значительная часть чиновников декларировала наличку, которой у них на самом деле нет, чтобы потом, когда они будут покупать какие-то объекты (недвижимость, транспортные средства), было подтверждение, за что они их купили"...
Реклама Агрессии.
_________________
С состраданием и соответствующими пожеланиями, Dimitriy.
…
Police in China are punishing drivers who dazzle other road users by giving them a taste of their own medicine.
The offenders are forced to sit down and stare into the full glare of headlights for a minute.
Drivers are also given a compulsory fine of 300 yuan (£36).
…
"Tonight we are carrying out punishments using a high beam," says the post, which has 87,000 likes and has been shared 93,000 times.
"Now you can experience for yourself just how harmful the full-beam headlights are and how much light pollution they cause."
After enduring the full minute, one driver said: "My eyes were dazzled. I will never come to Shenzhen again."
More than 900 drivers were caught at 100 police checkpoints in the space of two hours.
Police say the habit is dangerous because the lights can cause road blindness, which may cause serious accidents.
The state-run Xinhua news agency said the headlight punishment was not mandatory and was a way of educating drivers.
Реклама Агрессии.
_________________
С пониманием и отраслевыми пожеланиями, Dimitriy.
Отбросьте нытьё проигравших, и Вы получите неплохой отраслевой обзор.
Реклама Агрессии.
_________________
С умилением и соответствующими пожеланиями, Dimitriy.
Kissinger
: “Reset” is not the appropriate word. I prefer “adaptation to the new circumstances of a world in upheaval.” The issue is whether both countries are able to achieve their minimum security objectives and cooperate towards stability in regions within their reach? It is a formidable, but necessary, enterprise.
…
Goldberg:
So why didn’t the reset go well?
Kissinger:
Dmitri Medvedev was president during the beginning of the reset, with Putin acting as prime minister in a bow to a Russian constitutional requirement limiting presidents to two consecutive terms. (After an interval of one term, they can stand for reelection.) The White House, in that interval, carefully limited contact with Putin. Some in the administration seemed to hope that Medvedev would dismiss Putin as prime minister—the Russian Constitution permits that—and that the evolution of Russia would be towards a democratic, Western-oriented kind of aspiring NATO member. It was part of the argument in your interview, that history is moving in America’s direction and that Putin will eventually realize it.
When Putin resumed the presidency in 2012, the reset inevitably faltered. To understand Putin, one must read Dostoyevsky, not Mein Kampf. He knows that Russia is far weaker than it once was—indeed far weaker than the United States. He is the head of a state that for centuries defined itself by its imperial greatness, but then lost 300 years of imperial history upon the collapse of the Soviet Union. Russia is strategically threatened on each of its borders: by a demographic nightmare on its Chinese border; by an ideological nightmare in the form of radical Islam along its equally long southern border; and to the West, by Europe, which Moscow considers an historic challenge. Russia seeks recognition as a great power, as an equal, and not as a supplicant in an American-designed system.
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The notion that Russia is organically a kind of NATO state ignores the experience of history. America was built by people with the faith and courage to explore new lands. Russia was built by an elite who transported serfs to distant fields and by Tsars who proclaimed, “This swamp land will be the city of Odessa or the city of St. Petersburg.” They are sustained in part by a sort of mystic relationship with their hardships and their vision. They had survived centuries under the Mongols. Charles XII of Sweden marched into Russia because he thought it would be easy to impose a Swedish ruler in Moscow. What he found were Russian peasants burning their own crops in order to deny food to the invaders. They would starve themselves before they would let him take over their country. He had marched across Europe, but he had never seen this before. His troops were forced to go south into Ukraine just to survive, where they were ultimately defeated.
Geopolitically, Putin governs a country with 11 time zones. Few countries in history have started more wars or caused more turmoil than Russia in its eternal quest for security and status. It is also true, however, that at critical junctures Russia has saved the world’s equilibrium from forces that sought to overwhelm it: from the Mongols in the 16th century, from Sweden in the 18th century, from Napoleon in the 19th century, and from Hitler in the 20th century. In the contemporary period, Russia will be important in overcoming radical Islam, partly because it is home to some 20 million Muslims, particularly in the Caucasus and along Russia’s southern border. Russia will also be a factor in the equilibrium of Asia.
I say all of this to underscore that it is not possible to bring Russia into the international system by conversion. It requires deal-making, but also understanding. It is a unique and complicated society. Russia must be dealt with by closing its military options but in a way that affords it dignity in terms of its own history. By the same token, Russia must learn a lesson it has so far refused to consider: that the insistence on equivalence goes both ways and that it cannot gain respect by making unilateral demands or demonstrations of power.
Goldberg:
How can the next president get out of this mess?
Kissinger
: There are at least two schools of thought. One says that Russia has violated international law by annexing Crimea, so it must be taught again the lessons of the Cold War. We must make them restore normal relations with Ukraine by sanctions and isolation, and if they collapse in that process, that’s the price they have to pay and, in a way, an opportunity for world order to reestablish itself. That’s the school of thought held by the left-wing Democrats and neoconservative Republicans. Mine is the minority school of thought: Russia is a vast country undergoing a great domestic trauma of defining what it is. Military transgressions need to be resisted. But Russia needs a sense that it remains significant. We will probably win a new Cold War; but statesmen must comprehend the limits of their definition of interest. A post-Tito-type Yugoslavia wracked by conflict stretching from St. Petersburg to Vladivostok—from Europe across the Middle East to Asia—is not in America’s interest. Russia should not be regarded as an incipient NATO country; such a goal would simply move to the Manchurian border the crises we now face on the Ukrainian one. The goal should be to find a diplomacy to integrate Russia into a world order which leaves scope for cooperation.
Ukraine has in effect become symbolic of the crisis but also of the way to overcome it. We must be determined to defeat any further attempt at a military solution. But we need also to operate from an appropriate definition of security that relates strategy to diplomacy. To fix NATO’s security border on the eastern side of Ukraine places it 300 miles from Moscow—to the Kremlin, a dramatic upheaval of the border’s Cold War position along the Elbe River 1,000 miles west.
At the same time, a Russian security border along the western side of Ukraine fixes it along the perimeters of Poland, Slovakia, and Hungary, countries whose not-so-distant memories of Russian occupation will not abide such placement. Ukraine should be conceived of as a bridge between NATO and Russia rather than an outpost of either side. Russia can contribute to this by forgoing its aspiration to make Ukraine a satellite; the United States and Europe must relinquish their quest to turn Ukraine into an extension of the Western security system. The result would be a Ukraine whose role in the international system resembles that of Austria or Finland, free to conduct its own economic and political relationships, including with both Europe and Russia, but not party to any military or security alliance. Advocates of NATO expansion say that Russia should not be concerned, that NATO has no intention of attacking Moscow. Historical experience obliges Russian leaders to assess the capabilities of their neighbors. To negotiate what I just described would be exceedingly difficult. And it could not be achieved by walking into the Kremlin and declaring, “Here is our plan.” Like all dealings with Moscow, it would require an understanding of the Russian spirit and an appreciation of Russian history, as well as sufficient military power to squelch any temptations.
…
Goldberg:
Did we lose credibility with the Russians in Syria?
Kissinger:
In the beginning of his presidency in 2001, Putin sought America as a potential strategic partner, primarily against Islamic extremism. But starting with American support for the Orange Revolution in Ukraine in 2004, Putin has gradually convinced himself that the U.S. is structurally adversarial. By “structural,” I mean that he may very well believe that America defines its basic interest as weakening Russia, transforming us from a potential ally to another foreign country that he balances with China and others. Even this does not preclude the possibility of better U.S.-Russia relations, but Putin’s motivations for cooperation in the present period will be narrower than they were when he spoke of “strategic partnership” in 2001. The challenge will be whether clashing national interests of the moment can be reevaluated in terms of a larger design.
Goldberg:
Would you cede Russia Ukraine in order to get their maximum cooperation in the management of the Middle East?
Kissinger:
No. I favor an independent Ukraine that is militarily non-aligned. If you remove the two Donbas regions from eastern Ukraine, you guarantee that Ukraine is permanently hostile to Russia, since it becomes dominated by its Western part, which only joined Russia in the 1940s. The solution, then, is to find a way to give these units a degree of autonomy that gives them a voice in military entanglements, but otherwise keeps them under the governance of Ukraine.
Goldberg:
I don’t see you and Obama being very different on the question of Ukraine.
Kissinger
: Not on the objective of preserving an independent Ukraine. Technically, his goal is to compel Russia towards his goal. Mine would be to try to make Russia a partner in a solution.
…
Goldberg:
What is wrong with Europe?
Kissinger
: For 400 years, world history was made by Europeans. Many of the great ideas by which we live—constitutional government, freedom of the individual, the ideas of the Enlightenment—originated in Europe and were spread by Europe around the world. Now this region, which was dynamic and built the world, has become too preoccupied with itself. It confines itself basically to the exercise of soft power. At present, no European government has the capacity to ask its people for sacrifices on behalf of foreign policy.
Unless Europe can recover some of its historic dynamism, there will be a big hole in the world system as it has until now manifested itself. What has been lacking in Syria is Europe, but their present domestic structures tempt them to avoid difficult strategic issues. You can only ask sacrifices of your people when you can present some vision of getting them from where they are to where they have not been. Otherwise, why should they do it?
Goldberg:
Why is there no vision in Europe anymore?
Kissinger:
Maybe they have gone through too much. Maybe they have lost too much. If you look at the succession of leaders in 19th-century Britain—Castlereagh, Canning, Disraeli, Gladstone, Salisbury—they were all significant men governing a coherent society. At Queen Victoria’s Jubilee at the end of the 19th century, 100 warships paraded for her. Today, the entire British navy has only one capital ship.
…
Beyond Britain, the EU, despite the economic eurozone, has not been able to unite around a uniform political or strategic approach to the world. It does not seem possible to create a European army. Actually, I do not even see a mechanism with which the continent could develop a strategic concept. Born in Europe, I say this with regret and the hope that I am describing an interval, not a trend. The decline of Europe, which shaped international order for centuries, is going to be a serious loss.
Goldberg:
Do you consider it a loss?
Kissinger:
It is not yet a loss, but it is striking that three weeks after Brexit, not one European statesman has articulated a vision of Europe’s future. They are the continent that built the international world. And no one has stood up with the vision of Churchill. They’re talking about tactical matters while they’re in the process of giving up the essence of what they’ve struggled for and what they’ve represented throughout history. Today, a standard statement is that when Europe is weak, it cannot conduct great foreign policy, therefore it must be, at a minimum, economically cohesive. That is only partially true. At the end of World War II, when Europe was exhausted and devastated, they produced Adenauer [in Germany] and Schuman [in France] and De Gasperi [in Italy]. They had a vision. Now, their successors risk transforming their vision into a bureaucracy.
…
Реклама Агрессии.
_________________
С сожалением и соответствующими ожиданиями, Dimitriy.
Коррупция, действительно, не при чём. Алексей Валентинович - Сувенир Финализации. Не первый - ни последний. И происходит всё не здесь. И не там. А где, зачем и как, Уважаемый Михаил Леонидович, как антропоцентрист и сторонник антропоморфного подхода даже не догадывается. В то время, Меры разнообразия и инерционности, как там ничего сложного нет - изменяются Циклы преобразования межсистемного Опыта. От людей это не зависело, не зависит и зависеть не будет, что никогда не мешало, не мешает и не будет мешать, людям этим пользоваться. В общем, как всегда - Реклама Агрессии.
_________________
С пониманием и отраслевыми пожеланиями, Dimitriy.
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Владимир Ступников, Генеральный директор коммуникационного агентства АУРА в составе Газпром-Медиа Холдинга. Социальные медиа становятся все более важным инструментом в работе каждого PR-специалиста, и одной из относительно новых, но стремительно растущих платформ, является Telegram. Этот мессенджер, изначально позиционировавшийся как безопасный и приватный инструмент связи, приобретает все большую популярность и привлекает внимание маркетологов и PR-специалистов по всему миру.
В 2024 году маркетологи все чаще начинают использовать метавселенные. По сравнению с социальными сетями, вовлеченность пользователей в иммерсивных площадках гораздо больше. Одним из самых интересных для клиентов форматов являются АR и VR. Как технологии будущего применять в маркетинге уже сегодня, разобрали в агентстве высоких откликов HICLICK.
Искусственный интеллект уже давно среди нас. Он прочно вошел в нашу жизнь, используется абсолютно в разных её сферах и кардинально меняет лицо современного бизнеса. Рекламная индустрия - не исключение. Самый яркий и известный пример - это нейросети, на основе которых построен поиск рекламных систем Яндекса. Использование нейросетей и других алгоритмов ИИ, делает рекламу еще более эффективной и качественной. Евгений Халин, директор по продуктам Коkос Group рассказывает о том, как работает ИИ, в чем его преимущество и какие перспективы нас ждут.
В период гендерных праздников предприниматели отмечают 50%-ый рост продаж. – Даже в случае торговли сепараторами или двигателями, при должном подходе. Для маркетологов это время – забег на короткие дистанции. Поэтому важно грамотно подойти к выбору инструментов.
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На VII Международном форуме «Матрица рекламы», прошедшем в ЦВК «Экспоцентр» в рамках международной выставки «Реклама-2018», большой интерес у профессиональной аудитории вызвала VI Конференция «Интернет-реклама».
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